Character although not embraced by functionalistic social science of the time, role-enactment has been picked up by later studies. forward et. al. 1976 ; picked up the term without much elaboration, probably in attempt to avoid the contemporary discussions on role-play. a more contemporary study see e.g. fitzgerald et. al. 2006 ; has used the term to add an active component to the otherwise passive roles. a reason that this conception has been re-enacted is probably due to the performative element of enactment, which is prominent within contemporary social psychology. the main contribution of roleenactment is to consider how the otherwise static, structural representations embedded in a role are brought to life by being enacted in the social interaction. by addressing the process of role-enactment, the performance of a given role is emphasised. the role is considered irrelevant to that respect it is not enacted in a social practice. to the game-designer, thinking roles as something to be enacted provides an attention towards what and how issues of the role, regardless on whether they are representations of structural issues, or they are participant interpretations, are presented and present in the social context of the game. a key issue of the enactment line of thinking roles is the question of to whom the role is performed. if the aim is to create personal experiences, extensive perspectives can be written into the role without regards to how they are performed these can eventually be shared as incentives and stories after the game ; , but if the aim is to stage social interaction, regards must be paid to how the perspectives can be performed, and therefore be brought to life in the social interaction of the game. by providing an enactment based understanding of roles, the value provided by the role is dependent on its performability. according to butler 1990 ; , only the perspectives that are brought forward in the social interaction have a relevance to it, which pretty well illustrates the attitude of the enactment-based approach to thinking roles. playing roles as with the attempt to address the concept of roles, there is little consensus on the concept. according to yardley-matwiejczuk 1997 ; , a common trait among the classic approaches to role-play is that they all assume a shared concept of roles, rather than providing a definition of roles. in general, very little was done to challenge the early definitions although movahedi 1977 ; tried sorting out the pieces ; . despite these problems, the theories each provide an interesting view on how to think about role-play. starting with the more classic approaches, i will present some of the more striking definitions and their lines of thinking, before moving on to the more contemporary writings on role-play. the classic approaches to role-play one early, and often quoted definition on role-play is provided by mann & mann 1956 ; , who proposes the following definition: "a role-playing situation is here defined as a situation in which an individual is explicitly asked to take a role not normally his own, or if his own in a setting not normal for the enactment of the role." mann & mann, 1956, p. 227 ; . mann & mann addresses the elaboration of the roles taken, asking a person to take on a explicit role, which is an interesting contribution to understanding role-playing as it implies an element of conscious, and thereby voluntary participation. mann & mann's emphasis on the conscious and voluntary element is considered key elements in understanding role-play, but not to role-enactment in general. according to a post-structuralist approach to understanding social interaction, the enactor is not necessarily aware of the enacted discourses, nor is the enactment voluntary . mann & mann's early definition thereby addresses a key distinction between role-enactment and -playing. mann's definition is interesting as it appoints the question of agency in role-play as to what degree the participant has an opportunity to 59.

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Lemma 1 states that if a worker's self-image and effort are complements, then the higher is self-image the higher is a worker's set of optimal effort choices. when self-image and effort are complements an increase in selfimage leads to an increase in effort since the increase in the perceived incremental probability of winning the tournament times the utility prize spread is higher when self-image is higher. we are interested in finding necessary and sufficient conditions on the structure of the effort choice subgame that together with the conditions found on the workers' individual effort choice problems, allow us to know how the set of pure-strategy nash equilibria effort levels changes with positive self-image. milgrom and roberts 1990 ; show that if the game is a supermodular game then it has a pure-strategy nash equilibrium. furthermore, they show that is a supermodular game where the payoff functions are parameterized by then it is possible to provide comparative static results that link a change in with a change in the smallest and largest of nash equilibrium of . i make use of these results to prove existence of equilibrium in the workers' effort choice subgame and to state comparative static results relating the workers' degree of positive self-image to the smallest and the largest nash equilibrium of the effort choice subgame. let e 1 , 2 , denote the si multaneous effort choice subgame for levels of positive self-image 1 , 2 and for prize structure yl , yw ; . according to milgrom and roberts 1990 ; , is e a supermodular subgame if i ; ai compact interval in r, ii ; v order upper semi-continuous in ai for fixed aj and order con tinuous in aj for fixed ai , and v i ai , has a finite upper bound, iii ; v i and palm poker. 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